Monday 30 May 2011

Major Raja Aziz Bhatti Shaheed

Major Raja Aziz Bhatti (1928 - September 10, 1965)  was a Hong Kong-born Pakistan Army's Staff officer who received Pakistan's highest award for valor. He was born in Hong Kong in 1928. He moved to Pakistan before it became independent in 1947, living in the village of Ladian, in the district of Gujrat. There he enlisted with the newly formed Pakistani Army and was commissioned to the Punjab Regiment in 1950.
Early life and army careerHe was from a Muslim Rajput family. His father's name was Master Abdullah Bhatti, and his mother's name was Bibi Amna. . . He had four brothers, Nazir, Bashir, Sardar and Rashid, and two sisters, Rashida and Tahira. His brother Bashir was killed during the Second World War by the Japanese while leaving Hong Kong. He himself had six children, four sons named Major Zafar Javed Bhatti, Dr Zulfiquar Ahmad Bhatti, Rafique Ahmad Bhatti, and Iqbal Javed Bhatti, and two daughters named Riffat Bhatti and Zeenat Bhatti. Throughout his career, he was a brilliant officer and stood out in his class. He did very well at the Academy and was awarded the Sword of Honour best in his year's batch of 300 officers, and the Norman Medal. He received his honours from Liaquat Ali Khan, the first Prime Minister of Pakistan, who was later assassinated.
Indo-Pak War 1965Major Raja Aziz Bhatti was posted in the Burki area of Lahore sector. As the company commander, Major Bhatti chose to move his platoon forward under constant firing from Indian tanks and artillery. For three or more days he went without rest. He resisted for five days and nights defending a Pakistani outpost on the strategic BRB canal.
Martyrdom and LegacyOn 6 September 1965, as a Company Commander in the Burki area of the Lahore sector, Major Raja Aziz Bhatti choose to stay with his forward platoon under incessant artillery and tank attacks for five days and nights in the defence of the strategic BRB Canal. Throughout, undaunted by constant fire from enemy small arms, tanks and artillery. He was reorganizing his company and directing the gunners to shell the enemy positions. In order to watch every move of the enemy, he had to place himself in an elevated position, where he was exposed to Indian fury. He led his men from the front under constant attack from Indian Artillery batteries. Although he tried to counter every Indian offensive in his area, he was hit by an enemy tank shell in the chest while watching the enemy's moves, and embraced martyrdom on 11 September 1965.
A day before his Shahadat (Martyrdom), the commanding officer had sent to him word that since he had been fighting untiringly for the last five days and nights, he should take a little rest and that another officer was being sent to replace him. Major Aziz, who was filled with a battle spirit and the will for martyrdom replied, "Do not recall me. I don't want to go back. I will shed the last drop of my blood in the defence of my dear homeland".
He is buried at his village in Ladian in the Gujrat district.
Each year, Major Bhatti is honoured in Pakistan on 6 September, also known as Defence Day of Pakistan. Major Raja Aziz Bhatti was awarded the Nishan-e-Haider, the nation's highest military award for gallantry for the exemplary courage he displayed till his Martyrdom.

Major Shabbir Sharif Shaheed

Major Shabbir Sharif (born April 28, 1943) was a Pakistani officer who received both the Sitara-e-Jurat and Nishan-e-Haider for his bravery.
Early life and military careerSharif was born April 28, 1943 in Kunjah, Gujrat District) completed his O Levels from St. Anthony's High School, Lahore and while he was at Government College Lahore that he received a call to join Pakistan Military Academy (PMA) Kakul. He was commissioned in Pakistan Army on April 19, 1964 and after successfully completing his training, including a receipt of Sword of Honor, he was posted to the 6th Battalion of the Frontier Force Regiment.
Attack on Gurmakhera BridgeThe General Headquarters (GHQ) in Rawalpindi launched an attack on India from the western front (West Pakistan) on 3rd December 1971. The primary purpose of the attack was to force India on transferring their military strength in East Pakistan to the West, easing pressure on the East. Before the transfer, it was expected that the West Pakistani forces would gather enough territory to negotiate with India after the war for areas in the East. It was also expected that if the Western front attack was successful, it would cause India to pull out of the war due to severe loss of territory. While the Pakistani attack commenced in the localities of Azad Kashmir, Chamb, Sulemanki, the area inclusive and surrounding Shakargarh (Pakistan) and Rahim Yar Khan, was to be defended. During a defensive posture, the army in this area was supposed to facilitate the launch of the Army Reserves, a 5 Division strong section of the Pakistan Army which was commanded by Lt. Gen. Tikka Khan. Even at Solemanki, two companies (100 men each) of 6 Frontier Force, one commanded by Sharif, were initially supposed to make the attack by the Army Reserves possible by making sure that a certain obstacle was removed.
The obstacle was created by India to prevent Pakistani forces from penetrating into Indian territory. They had created an artificial ridge (small mountain), steep on the Pakistani side, but with a low inclination towards the Indian side. This was to prevent the Pakistani forces from easily climbing up the ridge, whereas the Indians could do so with ease. Result being that the Indians could get an aerial advantage over Pakistan. In front of the ridge on the Pakistani side, there was also a river dug up. This was to slow down the Pakistani forces and also to prevent any tanks or heavy artillery from entering Indian territory. There were only two bridges which were making any vehicular movement across the river/ridge possible and India was controlling them both. Inside the ridge there were camouflaged cemented bunkers which would enable the Indians to fire on any Pakistani troops.
It was extremely important for Pakistan to neutralize this ridge, for it would not only pave the way for the Pakistani attack, but it would also make sure that the Indians themselves cannot attack through this area. Also, since the ridge and river were brilliant constructions by the Indian army, it would serve Pakistan well during the course of the war if it came in their hands, as they would then get the aerial advantage. The ridge was called Saboona Ridge, and the bridge attacked was called Gurmakhera Bridge.
At 5:45 PM, 3rd December, 1971 Sharif launched the attack against Gurmakhera Bridge. Before reaching the bridge Shabir's men had to pass next to the Indian village of Beriwala. This village was reasonably well protected by the Indian Army, and they had also installed landmines in the region next to it for the inconvenience of bypassing troops. Bravo Company knew that there were landmines in the region, but a safe route through was not known. In practice, Bravo company passed through this area safely.
When the company reached the bridge, Farooq Afzal was given the task to take a few men and launch the initial attack. Afzal hence departed from the rest of the party and took a few men closer to the bridge. Two Indian soldiers could be seen standing in front of the bridge. When the Pakistani soldiers killed these men, they were suprised by fire from camouflaged Indian bunkers overlooking the bridge, two of which had the entire bridge area under their firing range. The Indians burst fire upon the Pakistan soldiers hence retarding their progress.
After asking Sharif by radio to provide him with covering fire, Afzal decided to attack the bridge from the front despite the Indian firepower. Breaking up his men into a group of three, he told them to attack with the slogan of Allah O Akbar, basically to distract the Indians from three different sides, hoping that at least one of the three would crawl up to the bridge and reach the area directly beneath the bunkers, where the Indian guns could not reach. The plan was successful, but in the process 6 Pakistani soldiers were killed. Having reached directly beneath the two bunkers which were covering the bridge, the Pakistani soldiers took them down by lobbing hand grenades inside. Once the two bunkers were neutralized, Sharif and his men joined Afzal. It was time to destroy the rest of the bunkers.
An intense battle developed as the Pakistani soldiers started raiding the bunkers. In some cases where the Indian soldiers finished their ammunition, they started throwing out their wireless sets on the Pakistanis. Hand to hand combat was also seen occasionally, while in a few cases the Indians ran away, leaving their supplies behind. The most common scene, however, was one in which grenades were lobbed out, and if the Pakistanis survived they would in turn lob one back in. Sharif also had to clear two bunkers himself. While at the first one, he stood next to the bunker and called out the personnel inside to come out. The usual happened and a grenade was tossed out. Sharif, without being able to see properly due to the darkness, reached out, got hold of the explosive, and threw it back inside, stunning the two other men who were neutralizing the bunkers with him. This action was to become the topic of discussion in the entire company for the next two to three hours, and he was unfairly criticised later for being too close to the bunkers in the first place. However, if Sharif hadn't done this, he would have lost his right arm and leg at least. The second bunker was cleared without any daredevil tricks.The entire operation of clearing the bunkers and taking control of the Saboona Ridge took 30 minutes. Shabir then took out the signal gun and fired a success signal straight up in the air. The other companies were now aware that Sharif and his men had taken control of the Gurmakhera Bridge and the Saboona Ridge. The other companies were to proceed with their attacks, one of which involved capturing the Beriwala village that Sharif had bypassed earlier. It was pitch dark. Sharif and a few men started collecting the bodies of the Pakistani soldiers who had died in the assault. Digging of new bunkers, this time on the opposite side of the ridge than the one facing Pakistan also began simultaneously. It was at that time that an old man's voice was heard from a distance. "We need to go back to Gurmakhera village. The Muslims have attacked Beriwala." Shabbir went closer to the old man. The man could not recognize the Pakistani army uniform due to the darkness. He believed he was talking to an Indian soldier. "I brought my son's barat (wedding procession) to Beriwala in the afternoon. The Muslims have captured the village. We had to run during the rukhsati (last ritual of the wedding)." "Don't you know that there is a war going on?" Shabbir asked in Punjabi. "This is a silly time to have a wedding, that too when you are so close to the border." "Please protect us. I have a whole procession with me here. Even the girl's family is here. We need to get back to our village. The Muslims are coming in this direction." Sharif decided not to waste time, or unnecessarily panic the old fellow. "We will take care of the Muslims. You hurry up and get all your people across. And listen to the radio more frequently for any important announcements." He then called alerted all of his people manning the positions at the bridge that a wedding procession was going to be passing through, and there should be no fire on it. While the procession was crossing over the ridge, a soldier asked Sharif: "Sir. These people are legitimate POWs. Why are we letting them cross?" Shabbir smiled. "Have a heart soldier. This is the happiest day of their lives. Let's not make them spend it inside a cell." When the news of the Pakistani attack reached the opposing brigade commander, Brig. Surjeet Singh, he immediately ordered the Delta company of 4 Jat Regiment (150 men), and a squadron of T-54 tanks to recapture the lost land, specifically the Saboona Ridge and the Gurmakhera Bridge. Although the number of soldiers in the attacking force was more than Shabbir's men, it was the lack of any armour (tanks) on the Pakistani side that made this move appear to be extremely threatening. At 11:00 PM, one of Shabbir's men informed him that he could hear tanks approaching the Gurmakhera Bridge. After Shabbir himself confirmed the noises, he positioned his rocket launchers near the bridge. There were three rocket launchers at his disposal, and two men were required to man each one. There was also some ammunition that had been taken from the defeated Indian forces on the ridge. Two of the rocket launchers were placed in such a manner that the tanks would have to go past them before they could come near the Gurmakhera Bridge or the Saboona Ridge. The third was positioned near Shabbir, to be used as a back up in case the first two failed. When the tanks eventually came in pitch darkness, Shabbir was stunned to see that they passed by the first two positions without any fire from the Pakistani soldiers. Shabbir immediately called the men through wireless, and asked them why they didn't shoot? "Sir, these are Pakistani tanks," a soldier replied from the other side. "No they are not," Shabbir screamed, "Why would our tanks come from the side of the other bridge? That is not in Pakistani control. And I have not been informed of their arrival either from our headquarter. Shoot!" Despite the clarification, there was so much confusion amongst the ranks that no one fired. Shabbir knew that if these had been Pakistani tanks they would have crossed over the ridge 3 km to the West and come as a reinforcement on the Indian side. He got hold of the rocket launcher which was near him, and fired at one of the tanks. When the tank caught flames and illuminated the scene, Sikhs were seen coming out of it. It was at that time that the entire Pakistani force started firing on the Indians. The Indian foot soldiers were closer to the tanks, and they could be easily spotted due to the flames and also due to the aerial advantage that the Pakistani forces had. From the initial 14 tanks that were ordered to attack, only 8 had managed to reach the bridge, and 4 of them had been destroyed in the first 5 minutes of the battle. The others too were safe only because they were out of range of the rocket launchers and Anarga grenades (mounted on G3 rifles) which were at the disposal of the Pakistanis. These adverse circumstances made anything else but the Indian retreat a nonviable option. During this skirmish, 10 Pakistanis were killed and 13 injured, while on the Indian side there were 43 killed, numerous injured and 10 were made POWs, including an officer. Despite the victory, Sharif knew that this was only the beginning, and that having invested so much time in the development of the ridge, the Indians would definitely try to retake it. He immediately contacted the battalion headquarters and asked for further ammunition and landmines. Another mystery surrounding the situation was why the Indians had not blown away Gurmakhera Bridge, which is usual in such war conditions. Around 4:00 AM, an ammunition jeep arrived at the site. There were no confusions on this occasion about its origin. In between, there had been a small attack on Sharif and his positions, but had been easily repulsed as the Indians were much less in number, and there were no tanks involved. When day broke, a search was carried out to find out any Indian soldiers hiding in the captured area. 55 men were rounded up, 3 being officers. Add to these the 10 POWs captured the last night, and Shabbir now had 65 POWs in all. "We should organize a party that escorts them back to our headquarters," an officer suggested to Shabbir. "It is a long walk. Plus I need every one of my men to be here. No point in unnecessarily tiring my men," Shabbir replied. "But they have to be sent back, we cannot keep an eye on them over here forever." After a quiet moment, Shabbir said to the officer: "Ask them to take off their shoes" "What? Shoes?" exclaimed the officer in confusion. "What are we going to do with their shoes?" "Have you ever tried to walk in this area without your shoes?" Shabbir asked. "I have, and I tell you, it is next to impossible to go far without them. Firstly you cannot run very fast, and chances of getting serious injuries on the foot are very high." The officer assembled all the Indian POWs, and asked them to take off their shoes. "They will try to run in any case," the officer privately remarked to Shabbir. "Yes I know," Shabbir said, "I will take care of that as well." He then addressed the Indians. "Listen, you see that tree. You will make a line, put your hands above your heads and run to that tree. Our headquarter is over there. Tell them that you will have been sent by Shabbir Sharif. Now, if anyone tries to run away, or break away from the line, I will shoot him and also the man in front and behind him. From this height I will be able to see all that is happening. If everyone starts running at the same time, I will ask my men here to take part in some duck shooting and we will shoot all. So do not push me." The POWs reached the headquarters without any escort. None tried to escape. Once the POWs had been sent back, Shabbir's men searched the bunkers thoroughly. A wireless set was found, and although it had fixed frequency, the Indians had forgotten to change it during the attack. This gave a tremendous advantage to Shabbir, as he could now listen to the plans that were being made on the Indian side to recapture Gurmakhera Bridge. The other interesting item that was found was a bundle of Indian currency. This was perhaps the salary that was to be distributed amongst the Indian soldiers but had not been done so due to the Pakistani attack. Shabbir ordered the currency to be sent back to the headquarters so that they could give it back after the war, although due to the lack of firewood, a small amount of the currency was burnt to make tea. At 8:30 PM on 4th Dec. 1971, the Indians (4 Jat Regiment) attacked again with a squadron of T-54 tanks. Shabbir knew that they were coming, courtesy the wireless set that had been captured. He was also in a much better position ammunition wise, with now having 102 millimeter anti tank guns, and landmines. The fight took place for only 30 minutes, with the Indians retreating with 14 dead, 21 injured and 8 MIAs (missing in action). The Pakistani side suffered minor injuries but no casualty. Having suffered three defeats in their effort to retake the Gurmakhera Bridge or the Saboona Ridge, the Indians finally launched a major attack on Shabbir's men on the night of 5th Dec 1971. This attack had the support of 4 Jat and 3 Assam regiments, and T-54 tanks amidst heavy artillery shelling. This was the biggest attack to date on the site, with around 800 men from the Indian side being involved. A company commander from the 4 Jat Regiment, Major Narayan Singh, had sworn before going on this attack that he would either retake the bridge, or would never return. Narayan Singh was also interested in defeating Shabbir Sharif, as for the last two days he had been hearing from his own men that the Pakistani side had a very tough commander with them (something which Singh could not afford to have if he was to keep the morale of his men high). While the battle was going on, Narayan Singh, with a few men, came very close to Shabbir's position. "Where is Shabbir Sharif?" he called out, "If he has the courage, he should come out right now and face me like a man." Shabbir Sharif, being as hot headed as Singh, left his position and jumped in front of him upon the call. Perhaps Narayan Singh could not make out that it was Shabbir Sharif, as it was very dark, and he lobbed a grenade in his direction (it doesn't make sense for him to call Sharif out and throw a grenade at him). The grenade exploded a few feet away from Shabbir, and his shirt caught fire. A few Pakistani soldiers also came out and tried to put out the fire, as Shabbir himself was only obsessed with Narayan Singh's call. Seeing the Pakistani soldiers coming out, some of the Indians accompanying Singh were about to open fire when Singh stopped them. "No firing," he said, "This is a man-to-man fight." Shabbir too, for his part, told his men to step back. The fire on his shirt had been extinguished. Both the Indian and Pakistani soldiers stepped back, but at the same time never took their guns off each other, or their fingers off the triggers. A hand to hand combat followed between Sharif and Singh. The soldiers in the direct vicinity were standing close by as armed spectators. The rest of the soldiers (on the ridge) were at the same time involved in the fierce battle that was taking place due to the Indian attack. Singh had his sten gun in his hand, and Shabbir held his wrist to prevent him from firing. After a short struggle, Shabbir managed to throw Singh on the ground and put his knee on his chest. Taking the sten gun from his hand, he emptied it in Singh's chest. While the Pakistani soldiers came to Sharif to check whether he was all right, those accompanying Singh disappeared in the darkness. The attack subsided yet again in an Indian retreat, although this was done after testing Shabbir's men to their fullest of
capabilities. During this attack, there were 3 killed and 11 injured on the Pakistan side, while there were 19 killed, 45 injured, and 34 taken as POWs on the Indian side. 9 Indian tanks were also destroyed in this attack by the Pakistani artillery shelling and anti tank guns (2 or 3 of these tanks were rendered useless for they got stuck in the land before they were taken out). Later, it was revealed that Major Narayan Singh was given Vir Chakra by India, a medal that is equivalent to the Pakistani Sitara-e-Jurrat, for his performance on the battlefield in 1971. Shabbir's right shoulder was badly burnt due to the fire that he had caught while fighting with Singh. When asked by one of his subordinates to go back and get some treatment, he said: "I didn't leave men fighting on the battlefield when I was not responsible for them. This time around I am their commander. Do you think I am going to go back leaving these men who I am supposed to command?" He was referring to the 1965 war, when he, as an ordinary Lieutenant, had been injured severely in the arm. Having gone back to the hospital to treatment, his arm was put in plaster and he was told that he could not take part in the war anymore. He, however, escaped from the hospital and went to the battlefront, where he fought the rest of the war with one arm in plaster! The 5th December attack created a lot of despondency amongst the Indian forces. Terming it a crisis, both GOC Major Gen. Ram Singh, and his Artillery Advisor G.S. Rain took effective charge from Brigadier Surjeet Singh. The Indians attacked yet again at 11:00 AM on 6th Dec. 1971. Shabbir was manning a 102 millimeter gun when a tank fired in his direction. He fired back at the tank and took it out. With a second tank lurking nearby, Shabbir could have abandoned the gun and saved his own life. He instead decided to keep firing at the tank in an attempt to render it useless before it caused any further damage. However, the tank's shell landed only inches away from Shabbir and exploded, throwing Shabbir and two other Pakistani soldiers 5 feet up in the air. Shabbir died seconds after he fell on the ground. His last words were: "Don't lose the bridge." Having seen Shabbir dead, the Pakistani soldiers fought with even more vigor, more out of revenge than for anything else. The Indian attack was beaten back, but at a grave cost. One of the bravest soldiers in the history of the Pakistan army had died. He was given the country's highest gallantry award, Nishan-e-Haider for his actions and eventual sacrifice for his country. This is perhaps the only case in Nishan-e-Haider history, where the gallantry award was given, not for a specific act, but for his inspiring performance throughout the war, until he died. After the War, one of the Indian commanders, Col. Shashi Pal, came to the headquarters in the Pakistan area for talks. He was given the currency that Shabbir had sent back from the bunkers, with due apologies for the currency that had been burnt for making tea. Shashi Pal shook his head slightly and said, "Politics apart, he was a fine soldier." Later it was also found out that the Indians did have the explosives in place to blow up Gurmakhera Bridge. But the remote detonation had not worked for one reason or the other.Further developmentsThere were a number of attacks on Saboona Ridge and Gurmakhera Bridge by the Indians between 6th December and 8th December which were repulsed. Pakistani soldiers also captured Gurmakhera village and successfully defended it against an Indian attack on 15th - 16th December 1971. The army high command for some unknown reason was totally numb. They could not take the decision to attack through the Army Reserves, and take advantage of a situation that Sharif and his men had created for them till the 5th of December. Even the brigade and corps commanders of the Solemanki sector suggested an attack to GHQ, but it took the high command three days just to review and reject it. They havebeen duly condemned for this hesitancy in the Hamood ur Rehman Report. The reversal during the Longewala, Shakargarh and Sialkot sectors also meant that most of the Army Reserve troops had to be sent to replenish those forces which had been on the losing side. Hence depleted, it was never in a position to attack. Another problem that the GHQ mentioned for their inaction was the lack of coordination between the Air Force and the Army, and also between 2 Corps and 4 Corps which were operating in this area (2 Corp was supposed to attack India). General Niazi's incorrect reports being sent from East Pakistan from 6th December onwards could also have made the GHQ think that perhaps it was pointless to attack India if Niazi could not hold on to East Pakistan. After all, the point of the Western Theatre attack was to diminish Indian forces in the East, and also to make them retreat out of that territory. General Niazi was later recommended for court martial in the Hamood ur Rehman report. The recommendation, however, has not been carried out as yet.

Maulana Abul Kalam Azad

Maulana Abul Kalam Muhiyuddin Ahmed was an Indian Muslim scholar and a senior political leader of the Indian independence movement, who lived from 11 November 1888 – 22 February 1958. He was one of the most prominent Muslim leaders to support Hindu-Muslim unity, opposing the partition of India on communal lines. Following India's independence, he became the first Minister of Education in the Indian government. He is also known for having predicted the future military rule and partition of Pakistan before its independence. He was posthumously awarded India's highest civilian award, the Bharat Ratna in 1992. He is commonly remembered as Maulana Azad; he had adopted Azad (Free) as his pen name. His contribution to establishing the education foundation of India is recognised by celebrating his birthday as National Education Day across India.
As a young man, Azad composed poetry in Urdu as well as treatises on religion and philosophy. He rose to prominence through his work as a journalist, publishing works critical of the British Raj and espousing the causes of Indian nationalism. Azad became the leader of the Khilafat Movement during which he came into close contact with Indian leader Mahatma Gandhi. Azad became an enthusiastic supporter of Gandhi's ideas of non-violent civil disobedience, and worked actively to organise the Non-cooperation movement in protest of the 1919 Rowlatt Acts. Azad committed himself to Gandhi's ideals, including promoting Swadeshi (Indigenous) products and the cause of Swaraj (Self-rule) for India. He would become the youngest person to serve as the President of the Indian National Congress in 1923.
Azad was one of the main organisers of the Dharasana Satyagraha in 1931, and emerged as one of the most important national leaders of the time, prominently leading the causes of Hindu-Muslim unity as well as espousing secularism and socialism.[3] He served as Congress President from 1940 to 1945, during which the Quit India rebellion was launched and Azad was imprisoned with the entire Congress leadership for three years. Azad became the most prominent Muslim opponent of the demand for a separate Muslim state of Pakistan and served in the interim national government. Amidst communal turmoil following the partition of India, he worked for religious harmony. As India's Education Minister, Azad oversaw the establishment of a national education system with free primary education and modern institutions of higher education. He is also credited with the establishment of the Indian Institutes of Technology and the foundation of the University Grants Commission, an important institution to supervise and advance the higher education in the nation.
Early lifeAzad's family descended from a line of eminent Ulama or scholars of Islam, hailing from Herat (now in western Afghanistan) and had settled in India during the reign of the Mughal emperor Babur. His mother was of Arab descent, the daughter of Shaikh Muhammad Zahir Watri, and his father, Maulana Khairuddin was, then living in Bengal, was from Herat. The family lived in the Bengal region until Maulana Khairuddin left India during the First Indian War of Independence and settled in Mecca, the holiest city in Islam, where he met his wife. Azad mastered several languages, including Pashtu Urdu, Arabic, Hindko, Persian, Bangla and Hindi. He was also trained in the subjects of Hanafi fiqh , shariat , mathematics, philosophy, world history and science by reputed tutors hired by his family. An avid and determined student, the precocious Azad was running a library, a reading room, a debating society before he was twelve, wanted to write on the life of Ghazali at twelve, was contributing learned articles to Makhzan (the best known literary magazine of the day) at fourteen, was teaching a class of students, most of whom were twice his age, when he was merely fifteen and succeeded in completing the traditional course of study at the young age of sixteen, nine years ahead of his contemporaries, and brought out a magazine at the same age. In fact, in the field of journalism, he was publishing a poetical journal (Nairang-e-Aalam) and was already an editor of a weekly (Al-Misbah), in 1900, at the age of twelve and, in 1903, brought out a monthly journal, Lissan-us-Sidq, which soon gained popularity. At the age of thirteen, he was married to a young Muslim girl, Zuleikha Begum. Azad was, more closer, a follower of the Ahl-e-Hadith school and compiled many treatises reinterpreting the Qur'an, the Hadith, and the principles of Fiqh and Kalam.
A young man, Azad was also exposed to the modern intellectual life of Kolkata, the then capital of British-ruled India and the centre of cultural and political life. He began to doubt the traditional ways of his father and secretly diversified his studies. Azad learned English through intensive personal study and began learning Western philosophy, history and contemporary politics by reading advanced books and modern periodicals. Azad grew disillusioned with Islamic teachings and was inspired by the modern views of Muslim educationalist Sir Syed Ahmed Khan, who had promoted rationalism. Increasingly doubtful of religious dogma, Azad entered a period of self-described "atheism" and "sinfulness" that lasted for almost a decade.
Revolutionary and journalistAzad developed political views considered radical for most Muslims of the time and became a full-fledged Indian nationalist. He fiercely criticised the British for racial discrimination and ignoring the needs of common people across India. He also criticised Muslim politicians for focusing on communal issues before the national interest and rejected the All India Muslim League's communal separatism. Azad developed curiosity and interest in the pan-Islamic doctrines of Jamal al-Din al-Afghani and visited Afghanistan, Iraq, Egypt, Syria and Turkey. But his views changed considerably when he met revolutionary activists in Iraq and was influenced by their fervent anti-imperialism and nationalism. Against common Muslim opinion of the time, Azad opposed the partition of Bengal in 1905 and became increasingly active in revolutionary activities, to which he was introduced by the prominent Hindu revolutionaries Sri Aurobindo and Shyam Sundar Chakravarthy. Azad initially evoked surprise from other revolutionaries, but Azad won their praise and confidence by working secretly to organise revolutionaries activities and meetings in Bengal, Bihar and Mumbai (then Bombay).
Azad's education had been shaped for him to become a cleric, but his rebellious nature and affinity for politics turned him towards journalism. He established an Urdu weekly newspaper in 1912 called Al-Hilal and openly attacked British policies while exploring the challenges facing common people. Espousing the ideals of Indian nationalism, Azad's publications were aimed at encouraging young Muslims into fighting for independence and Hindu-Muslim unity. His work helped improve the relationship between Hindus and Muslims in Bengal, which had been soured by the controversy surrounding the partition of Bengal and the issue of separate communal electorates.
With the onset of World War I, the British stiffened censorship and restrictions on political activity. Azad's Al-Hilal was consequently banned in 1914 under the Press Act. Azad started a new journal, the Al-Balagh, which increased its active support for nationalist causes and communal unity. In this period Azad also became active in his support for the Khilafat agitation to protect the position of the Sultan of Ottoman Turkey, who was the caliph for Muslims worldwide. The Sultan had sided against the British in the war and the continuity of his rule came under serious threat, causing distress amongst Muslim conservatives. Azad saw an opportunity to energise Indian Muslims and achieve major political and social reform through the struggle. With his popularity increasing across India, the government outlawed Azad's second publication under the Defence of India Regulations Act and arrested him. The governments of the Bombay Presidency, United Provinces, Punjab and Delhi prohibited his entry into the provinces and Azad was moved to a jail in Ranchi, where he was incarcerated until 1 January 1920.
Non-Cooperation Movement
Khilafat movement procession.Upon his release, Azad returned to a political atmosphere charged with sentiments of outrage and rebellion against British rule. The Indian public had been angered by the passage of the Rowlatt Acts in 1919, which severely restricted civil liberties and individual rights. Consequently, thousands of political activists had been arrested and many publications banned. The killing of unarmed civilians at Jallianwala Bagh in Amritsar on 13 April 1919 had provoked intense outrage all over India, alienating most Indians, including long-time British supporters from the authorities. The Khilafat struggle had also peaked with the defeat of the Ottoman Empire in World War I and the raging Turkish War of Independence, which had made the caliphate's position precarious. India's main political party, the Indian National Congress came under the leadership of Mahatma Gandhi, who had aroused excitement all over India when he led the farmers of Champaran and Kheda in a successful revolt against British authorities in 1918. Gandhi organised the people of the region and pioneered the art of Satyagraha — combining mass civil disobedience with complete non-violence and self-reliance.
Taking charge of the Congress, Gandhi also reached out to support the Khilafat struggle, helping to bridge Hindu-Muslim political divides. Azad and the Ali brothers warmly welcomed Congress support and began working together on a programme of non-cooperation by asking all Indians to boycott British-run schools, colleges, courts, public services, the civil service, police and military. Non-violence and Hindu-Muslim unity were universally emphasized, while the boycott of foreign goods, especially clothes were organised. Azad joined the Congress and was also elected president of the All India Khilafat Committee. Although Azad and other leaders were soon arrested, the movement drew out millions of people in peaceful processions, strikes and protests.
This period marked a transformation in Azad's own life. Along with fellow Khilafat leaders Dr. Mukhtar Ahmad Ansari, Hakim Ajmal Khan and others, Azad grew personally close to Gandhi and his philosophy. The three men founded the Jamia Millia Islamia in Delhi as an institution of higher education managed entirely by Indians without any British support or control. Both Azad and Gandhi shared a deep passion for religion and Azad developed a close friendship with him. He adopted the Prophet Muhammad's ideas by living simply, rejecting material possessions and pleasures. He began to spin his own clothes using khadi on the charkha, and began frequently living and participating in the ashrams organised by Gandhi. Becoming deeply committed to ahimsa (non-violence) himself, Azad grew close to fellow nationalists like Jawaharlal Nehru, Chittaranjan Das and Subhash Chandra Bose. He strongly criticised the continuing suspicion of the Congress amongst the Muslim intellectuals from the Aligarh Muslim University and the Muslim League.
The rebellion began a sudden decline when with rising incidences of violence; a nationalist mob killed 22 policemen in Chauri Chaura in 1922. Fearing degeneration into violence, Gandhi asked Indians to suspend the revolt and undertook a five day fast to repent and encourage others to stop the rebellion. Although the movement stopped all over India, several Congress leaders and activists were disillusioned with Gandhi. The following year, the caliphate was overthrown by Mustafa Kemal Atatürk and the Ali brothers grew distant and critical of Gandhi and the Congress. Azad's close friend Chittaranjan Das co-founded the Swaraj Party, breaking from Gandhi's leadership. Despite the circumstances, Azad remained firmly committed to Gandhi's ideals and leadership. In 1923, he became the youngest man to be elected Congress President. Azad led efforts to organise the Flag Satyagraha in Nagpur. Azad served as president of the 1924 Unity Conference in Delhi, using his position to work to re-unite the Swarajists and the Khilafat leaders under the common banner of the Congress. In the years following the movement, Azad travelled across India, working extensively to promote Gandhi's vision, education and social reform.
Congress leader
At Simla Conference (1946) with Rajendra Prasad, Jinnah and C. RajagopalachariHe was the Seventh Muslim to become the President of Indian National Congress,served as president of INC longer than any other person before the Independence of India
Azad became an important national leader, and served on the Congress Working Committee and in the offices of general secretary and president many times. The political environment in India re-energised in 1928 with nationalist outrage against the Simon Commission appointed to propose constitutional reforms. The commission included no Indian members and did not even consult Indian leaders and experts. In response, the Congress and other political parties appointed a commission under Motilal Nehru to propose constitutional reforms from Indian opinions. In 1928, Azad endorsed the Nehru Report, which was criticised by the Ali brothers and Muslim League politician Muhammad Ali Jinnah. Azad endorsed the ending of separate electorates based on religion, and called for an independent India to be committed to secularism. At the 1928 Congress session in Guwahati, Azad endorsed Gandhi's call for dominion status for India within a year. If not granted, the Congress would adopt the goal of complete political independence for India. Despite his affinity for Gandhi, Azad also drew close to the young radical leaders Jawaharlal Nehru and Subhash Bose, who had criticised the delay in demanding full independence. Azad developed a close friendship with Nehru and began espousing socialism as the means to fight inequality, poverty and other national challenges.
When Gandhi embarked on the Dandi Salt March that inaugurated the Salt Satyagraha in 1930, Azad organised and led the nationalist raid, albeit non-violent on the Dharasana salt works in order to protest the salt tax and restriction of its production and sale. The biggest nationalist upheaval in a decade, Azad was imprisoned along with millions of people, and would frequently be jailed from 1930 to 1934 for long periods of time. Following the Gandhi-Irwin Pact in 1934, Azad was amongst millions of political prisoners released. When elections were called under the Government of India Act 1935, Azad was appointed to organise the Congress election campaign, raising funds, selecting candidates and organising volunteers and rallies across India. Azad had criticised the Act for including a high proportion of un-elected members in the central legislature, and did not himself contest a seat. He again declined to contest elections in 1937, and helped head the party's efforts to organise elections and preserve coordination and unity amongst the Congress governments elected in different provinces.
At the 1936 Congress session in Lucknow, Azad was drawn into a dispute with right-wing Congressmen Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel, Dr. Rajendra Prasad and Chakravarthi Rajagopalachari regarding the espousal of socialism as the Congress goal. Azad had backed the election of Nehru as Congress President, and supported the resolution endorsing socialism. In doing so, he aligned with Congress socialists like Nehru, Subhash Bose and Jayaprakash Narayan. Azad also supported Nehru's re-election in 1937, at the consternation of many conservative Congressmen. Azad supported dialogue with Jinnah and the Muslim League between 1935 and 1937 over a Congress-League coalition and broader political cooperation. Less inclined to brand the League as obstructive, Azad nevertheless joined the Congress's vehement rejection of Jinnah's demand that the League be seen exclusively as the representative of Indian Muslims.
Quit India Movement
In 1938, Azad served as an intermediary between the supporters of Gandhi and the Congress faction led by Congress President Subhash Bose, who criticised Gandhi for not launching another rebellion against the British and sought to move the Congress away from Gandhi's leadership. Azad stood by Gandhi with most other Congress leaders, but reluctantly endorsed the Congress's exit from the assemblies in 1939 following the inclusion of India in World War II. Nationalists were infuriated that the viceroy had entered India into the war without consulting national leaders. Although willing to support the British effort in return for independence, Azad sided with Gandhi when the British ignored the Congress overtures. Azad's criticism of Jinnah and the League intensified as Jinnah called Congress rule in the provinces as "Hindu Raj," calling the resignation of the Congress ministries as a "Day of Deliverance" for Muslims. Jinnah and the League's separatist agenda was gaining popular support amongst Muslims. Muslim religious and conservative leaders criticised Azad as being too close to the Congress and placing politics before faith. As the Muslim League adopted a resolution calling for a separate Muslim state in its session in Lahore in 1940, Azad was elected Congress President in its session in Ramgarh. Speaking vehemently against Jinnah's Two-Nation Theory — the notion that Hindus and Muslims were distinct nations — Azad lambasted religious separatism and exhorted all Muslims to preserve a united India, as all Hindus and Muslims were Indians who shared deep bonds of brotherhood and nationhood. In his presidential address, Azad said:
"...Full eleven centuries have passed by since then. Islam has now as great a claim on the soil of India as Hinduism. If Hinduism has been the religion of the people here for several thousands of years Islam also has been their religion for a thousand years. Just as a Hindu can say with pride that he is an Indian and follows Hinduism, so also we can say with equal pride that we are Indians and follow Islam. I shall enlarge this orbit still further. The Indian Christian is equally entitled to say with pride that he is an Indian and is following a religion of India, namely Christianity."

Azad, Patel and Gandhi at an AICC meeting in Bombay, 1940.In face of increasing popular disenchantment with the British across India, Gandhi and Patel advocated an all-out rebellion demanding immediate independence. The situation had grown precarious as the Japanese conquered Burma and approached India's borders, which left Indians insecure but resentful of the British inability to protect India. Azad was wary and skeptical of the idea, aware that India's Muslims were increasingly looking to Jinnah and had supported the war. Feeling that a struggle would not force a British exit, Azad and Nehru warned that such a campaign would divide India and make the war situation even more precarious. Intensive and emotional debates took place between Azad, Nehru, Gandhi and Patel in the Congress Working Committee's meetings in May and June 1942. In the end, Azad became convinced that decisive action in one form or another had to be taken, as the Congress had to provide leadership to India's people and would lose its standing if it did not.
Supporting the call for the British to "Quit India," Azad began exhorting thousands of people in rallies across the nation to prepare for a definitive, all-out struggle. As Congress President, Azad travelled across India and met with local and provincial Congress leaders and grass-roots activists, delivering speeches and planning the rebellion. Despite their previous differences, Azad worked closely with Patel and Dr. Rajendra Prasad to make the rebellion as effective as possible. On 7 August 1942 at the Gowalia Tank in Mumbai, Congress President Azad inaugurated the struggle with a vociferous speech exhorting Indians into action. Just two days later, the British arrested Azad and the entire Congress leadership. While Gandhi was incarcerated at the Aga Khan Palace in Pune, Azad and the Congress Working Committee were imprisoned at a fort in Ahmednagar, where they would remain under isolation and intense security for nearly four years. Outside news and communication had been largely prohibited and completely censored. Although frustrated at their incarceration and isolation, Azad and his companions attested to feeling a deep satisfaction at having done their duty to their country and people.
Azad occupied the time playing bridge and acting as the referee in tennis matches played by his colleagues. In the afternoons, Azad began working on his classic Urdu work, the Ghubhar-i-Khatir. Sharing daily chores, Azad also taught the Persian and Urdu languages, as well as Indian and world history to several of his companions. The leaders would generally avoid talking of politics, unwilling to cause any arguments that could exacerbate the pain of their imprisonment. However, each year on 26 January, the leaders would gather to remember their cause and pray together. Azad, Nehru and Patel would briefly speak about the nation and the future. Azad and Nehru proposed an initiative to forge an agreement with the British in 1943. Arguing that the rebellion had been mis-timed, Azad attempted to convince his colleagues that the Congress should agree to negotiate with the British and call for the suspension of disobedience if the British agreed to transfer power. Although his proposal was overwhelmingly rejected, Azad and a few others agreed that Gandhi and the Congress had not done enough. When they learnt of Gandhi holding talks with Jinnah in Mumbai in 1944, Azad criticised Gandhi's move as counter-productive and ill-advised.
Partition of India

Patel, Maulana Azad, Jivatram Kripalani and other Congressmen at Wardha.With the end of the war, the British agreed to transfer power to Indian hands. All political prisoners were released in 1946 and Azad led the Congress in the elections for the new Constituent Assembly of India, which would draft India's constitution. He headed the delegation to negotiate with the British Cabinet Mission, in his sixth year as Congress President. While attacking Jinnah's demand for Pakistan and the mission's proposal of 16 June 1946 that envisaged the partition of India, Azad became a strong proponent of the mission's earlier proposal of 16 May. The proposal advocated a federation with a weak central government and great autonomy for the provinces. Additionally, the proposal called for the "grouping" of provinces on religious lines, which would informally band together the Muslim-majority provinces. While Gandhi and others were suspicious of this clause, Azad argued that the Jinnah's demand for Pakistan would be buried and the concerns of the Muslim community would be assuaged. Under Azad and Patel's backing, the Working Committee approved the resolution against Gandhi's advice. Jawaharlal Nehru replaced Azad as Congress President and led the Congress into the interim government. Azad was appointed to head the Department of Education. However, Jinnah's Direct Action Day agitation for Pakistan, launched on 16 August sparked communal violence across India. Thousands of people were killed as Azad travelled across Bengal and Bihar to calm the tensions and heal relations between Muslims and Hindus. Despite Azad's call for Hindu-Muslim unity, Jinnah's popularity amongst Muslims soared and the League entered a coalition with the Congress in December, but continued to boycott the constituent assembly.
Azad had grown increasingly hostile to Jinnah, who had described him as the "Muslim Lord Haw-Haw" and a "Congress Showboy." Despite being a learned scholar of Islam and a Maulana, Azad had been assailed by Muslim religious leaders for his commitment to nationalism and secularism[dubious – discuss], which were deemed un-Islamic. Muslim League politicians accused Azad of allowing Muslims to be culturally and politically dominated by the Hindu community. Azad continued to proclaim his faith in Hindu-Muslim unity:
"I am proud of being an Indian. I am part of the indivisible unity that is Indian nationality. I am indispensable to this noble edifice and without me this splendid structure is incomplete. I am an essential element, which has gone to build India. I can never surrender this claim."
Amidst more incidences of violence in early 1947, the Congress-League coalition struggled to function. The provinces of Bengal and Punjab were to be partitioned on religious lines, and on 3 June 1947 the British announced a proposal to partition India on religious lines, with the princely states free to choose between either dominion. The proposal was hotly debated in the All India Congress Committee, with Muslim leaders Saifuddin Kitchlew and Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan expressing fierce opposition. Azad privately discussed the proposal with Gandhi, Patel and Nehru, but despite his opposition was unable to deny the popularity of the League and the unworkability of any coalition with the League. Faced with the serious possibility of a civil war, Azad abstained from voting on the resolution, remaining silent and not speaking throughout the AICC session, which ultimately approved the plan.
Post-IndependenceIndia's partition and independence on 15 August 1947 brought with it a scourge of violence that swept the Punjab, Bengal,Bihar, Delhi and many other parts of India. Millions of Hindus and Sikhs fled the newly created Pakistan for India, and millions of Muslims fled for West Pakistan and East Pakistan, created out of East Bengal. Violence claimed the lives of an estimated one million people. Azad took up responsibility for the safety of Muslims in India, touring affected areas in Bengal, Bihar, Assam and the Punjab, guiding the organisation of refugee camps, supplies and security. Azad gave speeches to large crowds encouraging peace and calm in the border areas and encouraging Muslims across the country to remain in India and not fear for their safety and security. Focusing on bringing the capital of Delhi back to peace, Azad organised security and relief efforts, but was drawn into a dispute with the Deputy Prime Minister and Home Minister Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel when he demanded the dismissal of Delhi's police commissioner, who was a Sikh accused by Muslims of overlooking attacks and neglecting their safety. Patel argued that the commissioner was not biased, and if his dismissal was forced it would provoke anger amongst Hindus and Sikhs and divide the city police. In Cabinet meetings and discussions with Gandhi, Patel and Azad clashed over security issues in Delhi and Punjab, as well as the allocation of resources for relief and rehabilitation. Patel opposed Azad and Nehru's proposal to reserve the houses vacated by Muslims who had departed for Pakistan for Muslims in India displaced by the violence. Patel argued that a secular government could not offer preferential treatment for any religious community, while Azad remained anxious to assure the rehabilitation of Muslims in India.
Maulana Azad had been appointed India's first Minister for Education and served in the Constituent Assembly to draft India's constitution. Azad's persuasion was instrumental in obtaining the approval of Muslim representatives to end the communal electorates, and was a forceful advocate of enshrining the principle of secularism, religious freedom and equality for all Indians. He supported provisions for Muslim citizens to make avail of Muslim personal law in courts.
Azad remained a close confidante, supporter and advisor to Prime Minister Nehru, and played an important role in framing national policies. Azad masterminded the creation of national programmes of school and college construction and spreading the enrollment of children and young adults into schools, in order to promote universal primary education. Elected to the lower house of the Indian Parliament, the Lok Sabha in 1952 and again in 1957, Azad supported Nehru's socialist economic and industrial policies, as well as the advancing social rights and economic opportunities for women and underprivileged Indians. In 1956, he served as president of the UNESCO General Conference held in Delhi. Azad spent the final years of his life focusing on writing his book India Wins Freedom, an exhaustive account of India's freedom struggle and its leaders, which was published in 1957.
As India's first Minister of Education, he emphasized on educating the rural poor and girls. As Chairman of the Central Advisory Board of Education, he gave thrust to adult illiteracy, universal primary education, free and compulsory for all children up to the age of 14, girl’s education, and diversification of secondary education and vocational training. Addressing the conference on All India Education on January 16, 1948, Maulana Azad emphasized,
“We must not for a moment forget, it is a birth right of every individual to receive at least the basic education without which he cannot fully discharge his duties as a citizen.”
He oversaw the setting up of the Central Institute of Education,Delhi which later became the Department of Education of the University of Delhi as “a research centre for solving new educational problems of the country”. Under his leadership, the Ministry of Education established the first Indian Institute of Technology in 1951 and the University Grants Commission in 1953., He also laid emphasis on the development of the Indian Institute of Science, Bangalore and the Faculty of Technology of the Delhi University. He foresaw a great future in the IITs for India:
"I have no doubt that the establishment of this Institute will form a landmark in the progress of higher technological education and research in the country."
CriticismDuring his life and in contemporary times, Maulana Azad has been criticised for not doing enough to prevent the partition of India. He was condemned by the advocates of Pakistan and by religious Muslims, especially of the Deobandi order for his perceived affinity and proximity to Hindus. During and after partition, Azad was criticised for not doing enough for Muslim security and political rights in independent India.
Legacy and InfluenceAzad is remembered as amongst the leading Indian nationalists of his time. His firm belief in Hindu-Muslim unity earned him the respect of the Hindu community and he still remains one of the most important symbols of communal harmony in modern India. His work for education and social upliftment in India made him an important influence in guiding India's economic and social development.
The Ministry of Minority Affairs of the central Government of India setup the Maulana Azad Education Foundation in 1989 on the occasion of his birth centenary to promote education amongst educationally backward sections of the Society. The Ministry also provides the Maulana Abul Kalam Azad National Fellowship, an integrated five year fellowship in the form of financial assistance to students from minority communities to pursue higher studies such as M. Phil and Ph.D.
Numerous institutions across India have also been named in his honor. Some of them are the Maulana Azad Medical College in New Delhi, the Maulana Azad National Institute of Technology in Bhopal, the Maulana Azad National Urdu University in Hyderabad,Maulana Azad Centre for Elementary and Social Education (MACESE Delhi University) and the Maulana Azad College in Kolkata. He is celebrated as the one of the founders and greatest patrons of the Jamia Millia Islamia. Azad's tomb is located next to the Jama Masjid in Delhi. In recent years great concern has been expressed by many in India over the poor maintenance of the tomb. On 16 November 2005 the Delhi High Court ordered that the tomb of Maulana Azad in New Delhi be renovated and restored as a major national monument. Azad's tomb is a major landmark and receives large numbers of visitors annually.
Jawaharlal Nehru referred to him as Mir-i- Karawan (the caravan leader), "a very brave and gallant gentleman, a finished product of the culture that, in these days, pertains to few". “The Emperor of learning" remarked Mahatma Gandhi about Azad counting him as "a person of the calibre of Plato, Aristotle and Pythagorus.”
His Birthday, November 11 is celebrated as National Education Day in India

Thursday 26 May 2011

Nawabzada Liaqat Ali Khan

Nawabzada Liaquat Ali Khan (1 October 1895 – 16 October 1951) was a Pakistani politician who became the 1st Prime Minister of Pakistan, Defence minister and Commonwealth, Kashmir Affairs. He was also the first Finance Minister of India in the interim government of India prior to the independence of both India and Pakistan in 1946. Liaquat rose to political prominence as a member of the All India Muslim League. The Nawabzada played a vital role in the independence of India and Pakistan. In 1947, he became the Prime Minister of Pakistan. He is regarded as the right-hand man of Muhammad Ali Jinnah, the leader of the Muslim League and first Governor-General of Pakistan. Liaquat was given the titles of Quaid-e-Millat (Leader of the Nation), and posthumously Shaheed-e-Millat (Martyr of the Nation).
Liaquat was a graduate of Aligarh Muslim University, Oxford University and the Middle Temple, London. He rose into prominence within the Muslim League during the 1930s. Significantly, he is credited with persuading Jinnah to return to India, an event which marked the beginning of the Muslim League's ascendancy and paved the way for the Pakistan movement. Following the passage of the Pakistan Resolution in 1940, Liaquat assisted Jinnah in campaigning for the creation of a separate state for Indian Muslims. In 1947, British Raj was divided into the modern-day states of India and Pakistan.
Following independence, India and Pakistan came into conflict over the fate of Kashmir. Khan negotiated extensively with India's then Prime Minister, Jawaharlal Nehru, and pushed for the referral of the problem to the United Nations. During his tenure, Pakistan pursued close ties with the United Kingdom and the United States. The aftermath of Pakistan's independence also saw internal political unrest and even a foiled military coup against his government. After Jinnah's death, the Nawabzada assumed a more influential role in the government and passed the Objectives Resolution, a precursor to the Constitution of Pakistan. He was assassinated in 1951. In 2006, declassified documents from the US State Department revealed that Said Akbar had been hired by the US government to assassinate Liaquat Ali Khan because of his earlier repeated refusals to requests made by the then US President Harry S. Truman to persuade Iran into giving contracts for the development of its oil fields to the United States.
Early lifeHe was born in the town of Karnal in present-day Haryana, East Punjab, British India, on October 1, 1895, to a land-holding family. His father, Nawab Rustam Ali Khan, possessed the title of Ruken-ud-Daulah, Shamsher Jang and Nawab Bahadur, bestowed by the British Crown. He was one of the few landlords whose property expanded across both eastern Punjab and the United Provinces. Liaquat's mother, Mahmoodah Begum, arranged for his lessons in the Qur'an and Ahadith at home before his formal schooling started.
He graduated with a B.Sc. in Political science and Bachelor of Law in 1918 from the Muhammedan Anglo-Oriental College (later Aligarh Muslim University), Aligarh, and married his cousin, Jehangira Begum, in 1918. After the death of his father, Khan went to England and was awarded a Master's degree in Law and Justice from Oxford University's Exeter College in 1921. While a student at Oxford, he was elected Honorary Treasurer of the Indian Majlis. Thereafter he joined the Inner Temple, one of the Inns of Court in London. He was called to the Bar in 1922.
Political careerOn his return from Britain in 1923, Khan entered politics. In his early life, Liaquat believed in Indian nationalism. His views gradually changed. The Congress leaders asked him to join their party, but he refused and joined the Muslim League in 1923. Under the leadership of Muhammad Ali Jinnah, the Muslim League held its annual session in May 1924 in Lahore. The aim of this session was to revive the League. Khan was among those who attended this conference.
Khan began his parliamentary career as an elected member of the United Provinces Legislative Council from the rural Muslim constituency of Muzzaffarnagar in 1926. In 1932, he was unanimously elected Deputy President of UP Legislative Council. He remained a member of the UP Legislative Council until 1940, when he was elected to the Central Legislative Assembly. He participated actively in legislative affairs. He was one of the members of the Muslim League delegation that attended the National Convention held at Calcutta to discuss the Nehru Report in December 1928.
Khan's second marriage was in December 1932. His wife, Begum Ra'ana, was a prominent economist and an educator. She, too, was an influential figure in the Pakistan movement.
Following the failure of the Round Table Conferences, Muhammad Ali Jinnah had settled in London and was practicing law before the Privy Council.
Pakistan movement When Muhammad Ali Jinnah returned to India, he started to reorganise the Muslim League. In 1936, the annual session of the League met in Bombay. In the open session on 12 April 1936, Jinnah moved a resolution proposing Khan as the Honorary General Secretary. The resolution was unanimously adopted and he held the office till the establishment of Pakistan in 1947. In 1940, Khan was made the deputy leader of the Muslim League Parliamentary party. Jinnah was not able to take active part in the proceedings of the Assembly on account of his heavy political work. It was Khan who stood in his place. During this period, Khan was also the Honorary General Secretary of the Muslim League, the deputy leader of their party, Convenor of the Action Committee of the Muslim League, Chairman of the Central Parliamentary Board and the managing director of the newspaper Dawn.
The Pakistan Resolution was adopted in 1940 at the Lahore session of the Muslim League. The same year elections were held for the central legislative assembly which were contested by Khan from the Barielly constituency. He was elected without contest. When the twenty-eighth session of the League met in Madras on 12 April 1941, Jinnah told party members that the ultimate aim was to obtain Pakistan. In this session, Khan moved a resolution incorporating the objectives of the Pakistan Resolution in the aims and objectives of the Muslim League. The resolution was seconded and passed unanimously.
In 1945-46, mass elections were held in India and Khan won the Central Legislature election from the Meerut Constituency in the United Provinces. He was also elected Chairman of the League's Central Parliamentary Board. The Muslim League won 87% of seats reserved for Muslims of the South Asia. He assisted Jinnah in his negotiations with the members of the Cabinet Mission and the leaders of the Congress during the final phases of the Freedom Movement and it was decided that an interim government would be formed consisting of members of the Congress, the Muslim League and minority leaders. When the Government asked the Muslim League to send five nominees for representation in the interim government, Khan was asked to lead the League group in the cabinet. He was given the portfolio of finance. The other four men nominated by the League were Ibrahim Ismail Chundrigar, Ghazanfar Ali Khan, Abdur Rab Nishtar, and Jogendra Nath Mandal. By this point, the British government and the Indian National Congress had both accepted the idea of Pakistan and therefore on 14 August 1947, Pakistan came into existence.
Prime Minister
Liaquat Ali Khan meeting President TrumanAfter independence, the Nawabzada was appointed the first Prime Minister of Pakistan. The new Dominion of Pakistan faced a number of difficulties in its early days. Liaquat and Jinnah were determined to stop the riots and refugee problems and to set up an effective administrative system for the country. Liaquat established the groundwork for Pakistan's foreign policy. He also took steps towards the formulation of the constitution. He presented The Objectives Resolution, a prelude to future constitutions, in the Legislative Assembly. The house passed it on 12 March 1949. It has been described as the "Magna Carta" of Pakistan's constitutional history. Khan called it "the most important occasion in the life of this country, next in importance, only to the achievement of independence". Under his leadership a team also drafted the first report of the Basic Principle Committee and work began on the second report.
Liaqat Ali Khan with the last ruling Mir of Khayrpur, H.H. George Ali Murad KhanDuring his tenure, India and Pakistan agreed to resolve the dispute of Kashmir in a peaceful manner through the efforts of the United Nations. According to this agreement a ceasefire was effected in Kashmir on January 1, 1949. It was decided that a free and impartial plebiscite would be held under the supervision of the UN.
After the death of Jinnah, the problem of religious minorities flared during late 1949 and early 1950, and observers feared that India and Pakistan were about to fight their second war in the first three years of their independence. At this time, Khan met Indian Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru to sign the Liaquat-Nehru Pact in 1950. The pact was an effort to improve relations and reduce tension between India and Pakistan, and to protect the religious minorities on both sides of the border. In May 1950, Liaquat visited the United States after being persuaded to snap ties with the Soviet Union and set the course of Pakistan's foreign policy towards closer ties with the West. An important event during his premiership was the establishment of National Bank of Pakistan in November 1949, and the installation of a paper currency mill in Karachi.
In January 1951, Liaquat appointed General Ayub Khan as the first Pakistani commander-in-chief of the army with the retirement of the British commander, General Sir Douglas Gracey. In the same year, an attempted coup was launched against the government by senior military leaders and prominent socialist. General Akbar Khan, chief of general staff, was arrested along with 14 other army officers for plotting the coup. The Rawalpindi Conspiracy, as it became known, was the first attempted coup in Pakistan's history. The arrested conspirators were tried in secret and given lengthy jail sentences.
Assassination and DeathOn 16 October 1951, Khan was shot twice in the chest during a public meeting of the Muslim City League at Company Bagh (Company Gardens), Rawalpindi. The police immediately shot the assassin who was later identified as Saad Akbar Babrak. Khan was rushed to a hospital and given a blood transfusion, but he succumbed to his injuries. The exact motive behind the assassination has never been fully revealed. Saad Akbar Babrak was an Afghan national and a professional assassin from Hazara. He was known to the police prior to the assassination of Liaquat Ali Khan.
Upon his death, Khan was given the honorific title of "Shaheed-e-Millat", or "Martyr of the Nation". He was buried in the same manner (tomb) as Jinnah. The Municipal Park, where he was assassinated, was renamed Liaquat Bagh (Bagh means park) in his honour. It is the same location where Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto was assassinated in 2007.
Criticism and legacyKhan has received criticism from the left wing in Pakistan for his pro-Western foreign policies and the restrictions placed on the Communist Party of Pakistan. At the time of his death, the extreme leftist press, such as the Communist Swadhinata, stated: "Liaquat's death only reflects inevitable disaster that overtakes policy of playing lackey to Anglo-American Powers." He was further criticised for not visiting the Soviet Union, whereas he did go the United States. This was perceived as a rebuff to Moscow, and has been traced to profound adverse consequences, including Soviet help to India, most prominently in the 1971 war which ultimately led to the separation of Bangladesh.
Others argue that Khan had wanted Pakistan to remain neutral in the Cold War, as declared three days after Pakistan's independence when he declared that Pakistan would take no sides in the conflict of ideologies between the nations. Former serviceman Shahid M. Amin has argued that the Soviets themselves could not settle convenient dates for a visit, and that, even during his visit to the United States, Liaquat had declared his intention to visit the Soviet Union. Amin also notes that "Failure to visit a country in response to its invitations has hardly ever become the cause of long-term estrangement.
In Pakistan, Khan is regarded as Jinnah's “right hand man” and heir apparent. His role in filling in the vacuum created by Jinnah’s death is seen as decisive in tackling critical problems during Pakistan’s fledgling years and in devising measures for the consolidation of Pakistan. His face is printed on postage stamps across the country.
Khan was portrayed by Pakistani actor Shakeel in the 1998 film Jinnah.